10.27.2004
Bush Transforms Conservative America
'Bushism'
Our politically and economically astute, erudite British writer friends are at it again. John Mickelthwaite and Adrian Woolridge, who write regularly in the Economist, and are authors of The Right Nation, have a piece in the WSJ this morning that is a must read.
We have seen an incredibly active Bush administration. He has accomplished more in one term than many two-term Presidents. His view of conservatism is not the view of Ronald Reagan, or Barry Goldwater. Reagan said famously, "Big government is the problem, not the solution." But W hasn't said that...or acted in that manner...
The writers also discuss the social issues upon which W has remained steadfastly loyal and in league with his Christian conservative base. Fascinating, well-informed reading. Mikelthwaite and Woolridge are 'fair and balanced'.
'Bushism'
Our politically and economically astute, erudite British writer friends are at it again. John Mickelthwaite and Adrian Woolridge, who write regularly in the Economist, and are authors of The Right Nation, have a piece in the WSJ this morning that is a must read.
We have seen an incredibly active Bush administration. He has accomplished more in one term than many two-term Presidents. His view of conservatism is not the view of Ronald Reagan, or Barry Goldwater. Reagan said famously, "Big government is the problem, not the solution." But W hasn't said that...or acted in that manner...
The most surprising change has been the rise of "big government conservatism." Ever since the Goldwater campaign of 1963-64, conservatism has defined itself as an antigovernment creed. Barry Goldwater proclaimed that he had little interest in reforming government, "for I mean to reduce its size." Ronald Reagan proclaimed that "government is the problem, not the solution." The Republican Class of '94 believed that "government is dumb while markets are smart" (to borrow a phrase from Dick Armey)--and set about balancing the budget and cutting popular government programs.
But Mr. Bush has been different: an avowed conservative who is nevertheless willing to embrace big government. The massive growth in the state during this presidency (faster than under Bill Clinton, even if you exclude the spending on the war on terror) owes a fair amount to opportunism--to Mr. Bush's willingness to pay off friends in the business world or a refusal to pick a fight with allies in GOP-controlled Congress (he has not wielded his veto pen once). But at its heart it is a deliberate strategy. He came to office planning to expand the Department of Education (an institution the Gingrichistas had planned to abolish). And he laced his acceptance speech at the GOP convention with promises to use government to improve people's lives.
Is this, as many conservatives fear, a move to the left? Mr. Bush was certainly worried by the way that Gingrich Republicanism had apparently alienated suburban Americans. But he is no Nixon, flying in Harvard professors to fine-tune the Great Society. He has had a more ambitious aim: to turn government into an agent of conservative values. Hence the emphasis on choice and accountability to force public-sector bureaucracies to act more like the private sector. And hence the enthusiasm for using government departments to promote conservative values such as sexual abstinence and responsible fatherhood. Before Mr. Bush, conservatives had assumed that the only way to win the battle against what Michael Barone has dubbed "soft America" was to shrink government. Mr. Bush has pioneered a different strategy--to "harden" government itself.
The writers also discuss the social issues upon which W has remained steadfastly loyal and in league with his Christian conservative base. Fascinating, well-informed reading. Mikelthwaite and Woolridge are 'fair and balanced'.